
70% local content is an easy target to announce. It's a hard one to verify.
In February this year, Saudi Aramco confirmed it had reached 70% local content across its supply chain, up from roughly 35 percent when the iktva (In-Kingdom Total Value Add)program began in 2015. The number doubled in a decade. Since inception, the program has added an estimated $280 billion to Saudi GDP and supported more than 200,000 jobs.
Across the Gulf, ADNOC tells a similar story. Its In-Country Value program has driven AED242 billion, close to $66 billion, back into the UAE economy since 2018, with 18,500 Emirati private-sector jobs created against a 2028 target of 25,000. The federal National ICV Program, run separately by MoIAT, reported AED48 billion in local procurement spend by mid-2024, growing more than 20 percent year on year.
These are genuinely large numbers, and they're not marketing. They represent one of the more significant structural shifts in how Gulf economies buy things. But I've spent enough years on the supplier side of tender evaluations to know that a percentage like this is a claim before it's a fact, and the gap between the two is where the real work of the next five years is going to sit.
The Two Numbers Everyone Quotes
Every localization program eventually gets reduced to a single headline figure. Seventy percent. Sixty-six billion dollars. It's the number a minister cites, the number a supplier puts on a slide, the number that makes the policy sound finished.
But a local content percentage is a calculation, built from a formula, applied to a supplier's self-reported cost structure, checked against documentation the supplier itself submits. IKTVA's methodology weighs Saudi employment, local manufacturing, and domestic third-party spend. ADNOC's ICV framework does something structurally similar. Both are careful, detailed, and audited to varying degrees. Neither is self-verifying by default. Someone still has to check the file.
A Percentage is a Claim
I've sat across the table from suppliers whose ICV file was considerably thicker than their actual footprint in the country. Not fraud, usually. More often a subcontractor relationship stretched further than it should be, a local entity that exists mostly on paper, a job count that includes roles that were never really local in substance. The percentage on the certificate was technically defensible. It just wasn't the whole truth.
This is the same gap I've written about before in a different context: a number that's internally consistent isn't the same as a number that's been tested against reality. An inventory system can report clean accuracy for years without anyone walking the floor to check. A local content score can say 70 percent while resting on documentation nobody has stress-tested against what's actually happening on the ground.
Regulators are already Worried About This
The Gulf's own policymakers appear to have reached the same conclusion. Saudi Arabia's Ministry of Human Resources and Social Development has been explicit that what it calls "paper Saudization," registering citizens who don't actually work the role, is no longer tolerated, and enforcement is now tied directly into the Kingdom's digital compliance systems rather than left to periodic audit.
More tellingly, as of the end of May this year, Saudi Arabia extended a 70 % Saudization requirement specifically into procurement and supply chain professions, covering managers, specialists, and warehouse roles across twelve job categories. That detail matters more than it first appears. Regulators aren't only asking whether a supplier's local content claim holds up. They're now requiring the procurement function itself, the people doing the verifying, to be substantially staffed by the same national talent the program is meant to develop. The compliance question and the workforce question have merged into one.
What This Actually Tests
For any company selling into Aramco's or ADNOC's supply chains, or bidding into the federal ICV program, the strategic risk over the next few years isn't the target percentage. 70-75% by 2030, these numbers are published and won't move much. The risk sits in whether a company's own supplier qualification process can produce a file that survives a genuinely skeptical audit, not just a compliant-looking one.
That's not a policy problem. It's a governance problem, and it's a familiar one.
The same tendering discipline that catches an inflated cost claim catches an inflated local content claim. The same supplier scorecard that tracks delivery performance can just as easily track the substance behind an ICV certificate, if anyone bothers to build it that way.
In practice, that means dated evidence rather than annual self-declaration: site visits, not just paperwork; payroll records that match the national workforce numbers on the certificate, not just the headline percentage; subcontractor chains mapped far enough down that a shell relationship can't hide two tiers below the prime contract.
None of this is complicated. It's the same unglamorous discipline that makes any audit survivable, applied to a newer kind of claim.
With ADNOC alone confirming roughly $150 billion in capital expenditure through 2030, and ICV scoring now determining tender access rather than just tender ranking, the companies that treat their local content file the way they'd treat any other governed number, verified, dated, defensible under question, won't be caught rebuilding their compliance history under pressure.
The other ones will find out the same way most governance gaps get found. Quietly, then all at once, in an audit nobody scheduled for a comfortable week.
Asif Manzoor
Supply Chain & Procurement Leader
