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Every Supply Chain Has a Hormuz. Most Have Never Checked If Their Alternative Works.

Asif Manzoor··5 min read

This year, the Strait of Hormuz effectively closed.

Not permanently, and not by natural disaster, but by war, that ran from February through June, and that the International Energy Agency has called the largest single oil supply disruption on record, larger than the 1970s oil shocks and the loss of Russian pipeline gas combined.

The number worth sitting with first: roughly 20 million barrels a day normally move through that 21-mile-wide passage, somewhere between a quarter and a third of the world's entire seaborne oil trade. During the disruption, tanker traffic through the strait fell 90 percent. Oil prices surged past $100 a barrel.

None of that risk was a surprise to anyone. Hormuz has been called the world's most documented chokepoint for decades. What actually happened once the disruption hit is the part worth examining closely, because it's a near-perfect illustration of the gap this whole site keeps returning to: the distance between a confident claim and a verified one.

The Alternative That Was Always "There"

For as long as Hormuz has been discussed as a strategic vulnerability, so has its supposed answer: alternative pipeline routes that bypass the strait entirely. Saudi Arabia's East-West pipeline, running crude to the Red Sea. The UAE's pipeline to the port of Fujairah. Iraq's pipeline north through Turkey. All three are real. All three are built. All three have appeared in risk assessments about this region for thirty years, cited as evidence that the world wasn't as exposed as the raw Hormuz number suggested.

When the crisis actually arrived and these routes were called on to do the job they'd been credited with for decades, their combined capacity, factoring in the two largest pipelines plus Iraq's genuinely operating third route, came to somewhere between 3.7 and 6.3 million barrels a day. Against 20 million. A gap that remains above 65 percent even using the most generous, fully inclusive estimate of what these routes could deliver.

A senior Atlantic Council adviser described the underlying dynamic more precisely than most: the risks around Hormuz "were well understood for years... mapped, modeled, and priced into infrastructure decisions." What never happened was the actual capital investment required to build alternative capacity at the scale the risk demanded, because the documented danger, however real, never quite crossed the threshold that would justify that scale of spending. Everyone agreed the alternative existed. Almost nobody had verified that it existed at the scale that would actually matter if it were ever needed.

What Happened Once the Alternative Was Actually Tested

The response since has been instructive in its own right. Iraq's cabinet approved fast-tracking crude exports through its Kurdistan-Turkey pipeline, targeting more than a tripling of shipments, from roughly 220,000 barrels a day to 770,000. The UAE has moved to expand its own bypass capacity toward Fujairah. Both are genuine, serious efforts, and neither comes close to closing the gap. Even accounting for every current expansion project reaching completion, credible industry forecasts put total bypass capacity at perhaps 60 percent of pre-war Hormuz volume, and that figure is a multi-year target, not something available today.

The alternative, in other words, was never fictional. It was real, partial, and untested at the scale that mattered, three genuinely different things that decades of confident discussion had quietly treated as one and the same.

The Same Failure, at Every Scale I've Actually Worked At

I've spent a career watching smaller, far less expensive versions of exactly this mistake.

A warehouse I inherited was reporting confident inventory figures that every stakeholder had trusted for years, a physical count found the real number was 67 percent accurate, not the 98 the system claimed, a gap nobody had checked because the system's own confidence had substituted for verification.

A $54 million annual spend base ran entirely on trusted supplier relationships for years, because no one had ever actually tested a competitive bid against the incumbent. In every case, the pattern is identical: a claim gets repeated by enough credible people, often for entirely good-faith reasons, that it quietly stops being checked at all. Hormuz is the same failure, playing out at a scale expensive enough that the entire world watched it happen in real time, with a bill measured in oil-price spikes rather than warehouse write-offs.

The Question This Should Actually Raise, About Your Own Operation

The genuinely useful takeaway here isn't about oil markets, and it isn't really about geopolitics either. It's a direct, practical question worth asking of any organization with a single point of concentrated dependency, which is most organizations, somewhere.

Name your own most concentrated single point of failure. A supplier everyone assumes has a real backup. A route, a system, a relationship that "we have a plan for," repeated with enough confidence in enough meetings that it has quietly stopped being a question anyone actually investigates.

Then ask a narrower, more useful question than "do we have an alternative." Ask specifically: when was that alternative last tested at the actual volume we would need it to carry if the primary failed today, not on paper, not in a planning document, but in practice.

If the honest answer is "we've never actually run it at scale," the organization doesn't have a backup plan. It has a documented one. As the last several months have demonstrated at the largest scale imaginable, those are two very different things, and the gap between them tends to reveal itself at the worst possible moment, not the most convenient one.

The world just paid well over $100 a barrel to relearn a lesson that's available for free, in a warehouse, a spend base, or a single honest afternoon spent actually testing an alternative before it's needed rather than after.

Most organizations, most of the time, still won't take it.

A

Asif Manzoor

Supply Chain & Procurement Leader

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